By considering the importance of place recognition and creation for the production and exhibition of local films, I hope to offer a new research agenda for this emerging field of study that uses exhibition sites rather than individual filmmakers or spectators as the locus of meaning of the local film. The diversity of local film productions makes place a more mutable category than it may first appear. Film audiences in some towns saw multiple local films over a period of years or decades, each of which presented local people and places in different ways. Whereas the idea of self-recognition assumes that the subjects of a film are watching themselves on screen, filmmakers also create place through the combination of temporally and spatially disconnected images. The concept of place recognition-the moment when audiences see places they know on film-that I use in this article allows us to consider local film as being defined as much by audience perception of local places as by their recognition of themselves and others.
#Subliminal seduction movie#
Though self-recognition is indeed an important, even defining, characteristic of the local film, seeing oneself on screen is not the only attraction of the local film and, in fact, becomes less important after the early cinema era ends and the transitional era begins in 1908.5 Instead, place has equal, if not greater, importance to the analysis of local film, particularly once permanent movie theaters are established in towns and neighborhoods. Whether termed self-recognition, the reflected gaze, or more simply, “seeing yourself in the movies,” the brief moment when audience members sees themselves on screen has been defined as the primary attraction, and by extension, meaning, of the local film.3 Though the local film as a historical phenomenon continues until at least the 1950s, scholars have addressed it primarily as a residue of early cinema practices such as itinerant film exhibition and the incorporation of local entertainments, like amateur vaudeville, into an evening’s entertainment.4 2 In this body of case studies, the conception of the local film has been boiled down to the phenomenon of individual spectatorship. practices as well as evidence of local film production.1 Using business records and extant films, historians have produced detailed accounts of individual itinerant filmmakers and filmmaker-exhibitors who worked in the first decade of the cinema. In fact, Tom Gunning goes as far as to call this period (1895–1907) the “era of local cinema” because of the particularity of film exhibition.
The local film, one produced and theatrically exhibited for an audience drawn by the novelty of seeing people and places they know on screen, has primarily been researched as a phenomenon specific to individual filmmakers of the early cinema period.
I do not find a significant effect of child benefit on parents’ smoking or drinking, but parents of older children use the child benefit to pay for their social and personal entertainment activities. Households primarily increase per capita food expenditures in response to increases in child benefit, and they also improve housing conditions. the impact of a given change in the child benefit on food expenditures of households, the probability of owning a home, the size of the home, as well as the probability of parents’ smoking, alcohol consumption, and parents’ social activities such as traveling, visiting movie theaters, going to pop concerts, attending classical music concerts or other cultural events. I use the German Socio-Economic Panel to estimate.
This study employs exogenous variations in the amount of child benefit received by households to investigate the extent to which these various changes have translated into an improvement in the circumstances of children related to their well-being. The German Child Benefit ("Kindergeld") is paid to legal guardians of children as a cash benefit.